Debt-Limit Harakiri
Mitch McConnell isn't selling out Republicans.
Republican Senate leader Mitch McConnell said yesterday he's concluded that
no deal to raise the debt ceiling in return for serious spending restraint is
possible with President Obama, and who can blame him? We've never thought the
debt ceiling was the best leverage for a showdown over the entitlement state,
and now it looks like Mr. Obama is trying to use it as a way to blame the GOP
for the lousy economy.
This may have been the President's strategy all along: Take the debt-limit
talks behind closed doors, make major spending cuts seem possible in the early
days, but then hammer Republicans publicly as the deadline nears for refusing to
raise taxes on business and "the rich."
This would explain the President's newly discovered fondness for press conferences, which he has rarely held but now rolls out before negotiating sessions. It would also explain why Mr. Obama's tax demands have escalated as the August 2 deadline nears. Yesterday he played the Grandma Card, telling CBS that seniors may not get their August retirement checks. Next he'll send home the food inspectors and stop paying the troops.
The reality is that Mr. Obama is trying to present Republicans with a
Hobson's choice: Either repudiate their campaign pledge by raising taxes, or
take the blame for any economic turmoil and government shutdown as the U.S.
nears a debt default. In the former case Mr. Obama takes the tax issue off the
table and demoralizes the tea party for 2012, and in the latter he makes
Republicans share the blame for 9.2% unemployment.
This is the political context in which to understand Mr. McConnell's proposal
yesterday to force Mr. Obama to take ownership of any debt-limit increase. If
the President still insists on a tax increase, then Republicans will walk away
from the talks.
Mr. McConnell would then let the President propose three debt-limit increases
adding up to $2.5 trillion over the coming months. Senate Republicans (with
Majority Leader Harry Reid's cooperation) would use a convoluted procedure to
vote for three resolutions of disapproval on the bills. Mr. Obama could
veto the resolutions and 34 Democrats could vote to sustain. The President would
get his debt-limit increase, but without Republicans serving as his political
wingmen.
Republicans who say they can use the debt limit to force Democrats to agree
to a balanced budget amendment are dreaming. Such an amendment won't get the
two-thirds vote to pass the Senate, but it would give every Democrat running for
re-election next year a chance to vote for it and claim to be a fiscal
conservative.
We agree with those who say that Treasury Secretary Tim Geithner can cut
other federal spending before he allows a technical default on U.S. debt. No
doubt that is what he will do. We'd even support a showdown over technical
default if we thought it might yield some major government reforms. But Mr.
Obama clearly has no such intention.
Instead he and Mr. Geithner will gradually shut down government services, the
more painful the better. The polls that now find that voters oppose a debt-limit
increase will turn on a dime when Americans start learning that they won't get
Social Security checks. Republicans will then run like they're fleeing the
Pamplona bulls, and chaotic retreats are the ugliest kind. By then they might
end up having to vote for a debt-limit increase and a tax increase.
The tea party/talk-radio expectations for what Republicans can accomplish
over the debt-limit showdown have always been unrealistic. As former Senator
Phil Gramm once told us, never take a hostage you're not prepared to shoot.
Republicans aren't prepared to stop a debt-limit increase because the political
costs are unbearable. Republicans might have played this game better, but the
truth is that Mr. Obama has more cards to play.
The entitlement state can't be reformed by one house of Congress in one year
against a determined President and Senate held by the other party. It requires
more than one election. The Obama Democrats have staged a spending blowout to
24% of GDP and rising, and now they want to find a way to finance it to make it
permanent. Those are the real stakes of 2012.
Even if Mr. Obama gets his debt-limit increase without any spending cuts, he
will pay a price for the privilege. He'll have reinforced his well-earned
reputation as a spender with no modern peer. He'll own the record deficits and
fast-rising debt. And he'll own the U.S. credit-rating downgrade to AA if
Standard & Poor's so decides.
We'd far prefer a bipartisan deal to cut spending and reform entitlements
without a tax increase. But if Mr. Obama won't go along, there's no reason
Republicans should help him dodge the political consequences by committing
debt-limit harakiri.
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