Obama's Mythical America
The president will win if his Depression-era picture of America goes unanswered.
It of course was no coincidence that on the day Michiganders voted to give 
Mitt Romney a three-point win in his primary shootout with Rick Santorum, Barack 
Obama delivered a high-powered defense of the Detroit auto bailout to the United 
Auto Workers Convention. No, he wasn't in Detroit. That's the UAW's second 
favorite city. He and the UAW were in home sweet home—Washington, D.C. That's 
where the money is. 
A pattern is emerging. Like some World Wrestling troupe on tour, the 
Republican rasslers travel through their primary states slamming each other into 
the turnbuckles. By contrast—and "contrast" is the most important word in 
election politics—the incumbent president continues to deliver the same speech, 
which defines him as saving America from them. 
To be sure, the Obama re-election speech, as delivered to the auto union this 
week, isn't very presidential. It sounds like something one might have heard 
around South America in the 1950s: "They're saying that the problem is that you, 
the workers, made out like bandits. . . . Even by the standards of this town 
[Washington] that's a load of you-know-what."
But make no mistake: Barack Obama is defining his opposition, clearly and 
relentlessly. Meanwhile, Mitt Romney and Rick Santorum are ensuring that 
November's voters will end up with no idea who its nominee really is or what he 
stands for. That's not quite right. One thing is proven: Both have traduced 
"conservative principles." 
The Obama campaign knows it has to compete in big, "working-class" states 
laden with electoral votes—Ohio (18 electoral votes), Pennsylvania (20), 
Michigan (16) and Wisconsin (10). To this end, the Obama narrative, his mythic 
America the Unfair, is now set. As defined in speeches from the State of the 
Union through the UAW barnburner, it goes like this:
Working men and women are the true American patriots: "It's unions like yours 
that helped build an arsenal of democracy that defeated fascism." (A nice 
Gingrichian touch there.)
You were in trouble: "The heartbeat of American manufacturing was 
flatlining."
They were going to sell you out: "Some even said we should 'let Detroit go 
bankrupt.'"
I saved you: "It wasn't just because of anything management did. It was 
because I believed in you. I placed my bet [the $80 billion bailout] on American 
workers."
They resent you: "They're still talking about you as if you were some greedy 
special interest that needs to be beaten." 
The deck is stacked: "We will not settle for a country where a few people do 
really well, and everyone else struggles to get by." 
The answer, as always, is America's abandoned values: "Hard work. Fair play. 
The opportunity to make it if you try." 
Only one place to go—to the ramparts: "So I'll promise you this: As long as 
you've got an ounce of fight left in you, I'll have a ton of fight left in me. . 
. . God bless the work you do, and God bless America." 
This is a caricature of a $15 trillion American economy functioning amid the 
complexities of the world circa 2012. Even Upton Sinclair, who wrote this sort 
of thing in "The Jungle" in 1906, would be embarrassed to pump out such a vision 
today. 
Embarrassment is not in the Obama vocabulary. Mr. Obama's stock "working man" 
speech has been designed to paint the affluent businessman Mitt Romney as a 
cartoon Monopoly figure. Who would buy it? The same sort of people who bought 
Mitt Romney's caricature of Newt Gingrich in Florida. In politics, simple works, 
if simple is repeated and goes unanswered. And of course the Obama working-man 
myth is intended as a marker against Rick Santorum's variation of the myth 
pulled from the Pennsylvania coalfields.
Excepting the unlikely event that Mr. Romney sweeps Super Tuesday next week, 
it looks as though the Republican candidates could run until the June 5 primary 
with California's 172 delegates and New Jersey's 50 at stake. If what's to come 
the next three months is more of the same, then the winner, whether Mitt Romney 
or Rick Santorum, will emerge as pulp. Neither man is likely to let up on the 
other. So be it. That's how this game is played. 
Inexcusable, though, would be if the GOP bruisers let Barack Obama's 
Depression-era portrait of America go unchallenged. On current course, enough 
American voters really will believe that Barack Obama saved them from the 1930s. 
But this rewrite of reality is precisely where Mr. Obama is most vulnerable. 
The economic and social world Barack Obama inhabits, and has always inhabited, 
is totally static. Your lot in life—income, status, mobility—is largely set, 
with little prospect of escaping upward.
He spoke in the UAW speech of "sons and daughters" aspiring to assembly-line 
jobs held by their grandparents. Even they don't believe life is that static. He 
promises to solve their economic problems by expropriating money from the 
wealthy. (France's Socialist presidential candidate called for a 75% top tax 
rate this week.) Boeing will be forced to make planes in Washington 
state—forever. Naturally this president's biggest believers live in Hollywood. 
Most Americans are not so credulous. But unless the GOP candidates start 
spending more time dismantling Obama's mythical America instead of each other, 
this grim fairy tale could win. 

 
 
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